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The Palgrave Macmillan Dictionary of Political Thought Third Edition Roger Scruton ThiNganHang.com ThiNganHang.com
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The Palgrave Macmillan Dictionary of Political Thought 3rd edition Roger Scruton ThiNganHang.com ThiNganHang.com
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© Roger Scruton 2007 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 1982 by The Macmillan Press Paperback edition first published 1983 by Pan Books Ltd Second edition published 1996 by Macmillan General Books Third edition 2007 Published by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N. Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. ISBN-13: 978–1–4039–8951–2 hardback ISBN-10: 1–4039–8951–6 hardback ISBN-13: 978–1–4039–8952–9 paperback ISBN-10: 1–4039–8952–4 paperback This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Scruton, Roger. ThiNganHang.comThe Palgrave Macmillan dictionary of political thought / Roger Scruton.—3rd ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1–4039–8951–6 (cloth)—ISBN 1–4039–8952–4 (paper) 1. Political Science—Dictionaries. I. Title. JA61.S37 2007 320.03—dc22 2006044838 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 Printed and bound in Great Britain by Antony Rowe Ltd, Chippenham and Eastbourne ThiNganHang.com
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Advisory Panel on the First Edition: Marshall Cohen, Professor of Philosophy, City University of New York, Graduate Center. Martin Hollis, Professor of Philosophy, University of East Anglia. Elie Kedourie, Professor of Government, London School of Economics. Alan Ryan, Fellow and Tutor in Politics, New College, Oxford. Sean Sayers, Lecturer in Philosophy, University of Kent. Sally Shreir, Graduate student, University of London. Ian Steedman, Professor of Economics, University of Manchester. Michael Walzer, Professor of Social Science, Institute of Advanced Study, Princeton. Advisory Panel on the Second Edition: Robert Grant, Reader in English, University of Glasgow. Sean Sayers, Senior Lecturer in Philosophy, University of Kent. Ian Steedman, Professor of Economics, University of Manchester. Advisory Panel on the Third Edition: Robert Grant, Professor of Cultural Theory, University of Glasgow. ThiNganHang.comJonathan Rée, historian and philoso- pher, Visiting Professor at Roehampton University and the Royal College of Art. Frank Buckley, Professor of Law and Economics, George Mason University, Arlington Virginia. ThiNganHang.com
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A Note on Composition The first draft of this dictionary was written continuously, so as to achieve maxi- mum consistency of style and minimum overlap. The articles were sent out separately to the advisers, two of whom were asked to comment on each article. The final draft was then composed, taking into account, as far as possible, all the comments received. The list of entries was gradually amended and developed in the course of writing, partly in response to suggestions received, partly in response to a developing perspective. Because of the novelty of the project, and the attempt to bring together disparate but related disciplines, it cannot be hoped that a uniform standard has been reached throughout, or that some fundamental items of political thought have not been overlooked. However, a certain synthesis has emerged, which may permit development and clarification in any future edition. I have benefited greatly from the comments offered, and from friendly advice given by Michael Oakeshott, Amartya Sen, John Vickers and William Waldegrave. In particular, I have received inestimable benefit from the painstak- ing work of Sally Shreir, who read through the whole dictionary suggesting countless additions, improvements and amendments. Without her help and guidance this project would have been far more arduous and far less rewarding than it has been. It is not to be expected, however, that all errors have been eliminated, and I alone am responsible for those that remain, as well as for the tone and manner of the work, and for any expressions of opinion or manifesta- tions of outlook. ROGER SCRUTON ThiNganHang.comLondon, 1982 vii ThiNganHang.com
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Note Cross-references are indicated by an asterisk; they occur only when a major intellectual connection is in issue. Reference to authors and texts have been kept to a minimum, but are included wherever an idea seems to be specific to the thoughts of a particular school or person. Because this is a dictionary of concepts, it has been necessary to provide not only definitions but also the sketches of arguments. These are necessarily incomplete, and may also be one-sided. The intention is to illustrate the concept, rather than to persuade the reader, and it should be borne in mind that no article can do more than suggest the arguments given for or against any particular position. ThiNganHang.com viii ThiNganHang.com
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Preface to the First Edition ‘Political thought’ denotes something that all human beings engage in, whether or not knowingly. It also denotes various specialized academic disciplines which seek to explore, to support or to undermine our everyday political persuasions. Several such disciplines have contributed their terminology to this dictionary, among them political science, philosophy, sociology and economics. In addi- tion the reader will find terms from the practical arts of law, politics and reli- gion, together with words designed at least to draw attention to, if not to resolve, important modern controversies. An apology may not be necessary for what follows, but some explanation of the aims and principles of such a dictionary may help the reader to gauge its utility. It is impossible to include in one small volume reference to all the concepts involved in the practice of politics, or in its related academic disci- plines. The intention has been to extract, both from active debate, and from the theories and intuitions which surround it, the principal ideas through which modern political beliefs find expression. The emphasis of the dictionary is conceptual rather than factual, exploring the formulation of doctrines rather than their specific application. Political events are mentioned only when they cast light on intellectual conceptions. For this reason the few proper names contained in the dictionary are those of thinkers rather than those of political figures. Likewise nations, treaties, battles and laws are seldom mentioned, and, while it has been necessary to include discussions of the major movements and parties in contemporary politics, the detailed history of the modern world has been passed over, as outside the scope of a dictionary of concepts. Political terms are often as obscurely understood by the person who uses them as by the person who is puzzled in hearing them used. The main purposeof this dictionary is to provide not just definitions but, where possible, clarifi-cations of political terminology. Sometimes, as in the case of Marxism, the taskThiNganHang.com is made easier by the existence of a definite and articulated theory, which the dictionary articles need only condense into appropriate form. In other cases (and this is particularly true of the main items of conservative thought) the absence of theory presents a peculiar difficulty. Here the dictionary must itself attempt a small part of a task that has not been accomplished, and perhaps not even been attempted, with the rigour that the subject demands. For this reason, while many entries will be recognized as summaries of existing theories, others will appear to present conceptual novelties. It is hoped that the two kinds of entry will so interlock as to give structure and coherence to the whole. It goes ix ThiNganHang.com
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Preface to the First Edition without saying that every attempt has been made to be impartial, and to provide equal, and equally clear, expression to the major beliefs and concepts which enjoy favour in the modern climate of political opinion. But impartiality is itself a kind of partiality, and readers should approach the dictionary with as many quotation marks at their disposal as they might require for their peace of mind. Some doubt may be felt as to the number of disciplines which have been called upon in the construction of this work. Why, for example, should the social sciences figure so prominently in a book designed to clarify the language of actual political discourse? It would certainly be odd to include, in a dictionary of mathematical concepts, entries dealing with the sociology of mathematical thought and practice. For what bearing could such entries have on concepts like those of number, proof, validity and integration? A sociological explanation of our mathematical habits casts no light upon their true internal logic. However, the same is not true of politics. Political thought, unlike mathematics, is perme- able to its own explanation. A sociology of political belief will not leave its subject unaffected. Consider the concept of ‘commodity fetishism’. While this purports to provide an explanation of certain persistent economic beliefs and practices, it contains within itself a novel way of criticizing what it explains. No sooner did the concept exist than it was used to give expression and support to political beliefs which seemed to gain in cogency through the adoption of this technical term. Similarly no exposition of modern political thought can avoid encroaching on those disciplines – economics, sociology and political science – which have political thought as part of their subject-matter. Both the language and the art of politics are formed and reformed under pressure from these disci- plines, borrowing their concepts, their theories, their truths and above all their confusions in the compulsive search for self-justification. It should not be thought, however, that the subject-matter of this dictionary is either recondite or truly theoretical. On the contrary, it belongs to the mental repertoire of all active, thinking beings, and it is to be hoped that, by treating impartially conceptions which enter, however hazily, into so many current debates and disagreements, this dictionary will make some small contribution to their clarity. ThiNganHang.com x ThiNganHang.com
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Preface to the Second Edition In the 13 years since the first edition of this work was published, momentous events have occurred, and the language of politics has evolved in response to them. The collapse of the Soviet Union has entirely changed the confrontation between left and right, while the growth of European federalism has precipi- tated institutions, strategies and concepts whose bewildering character is only partly explained by the desire to bewilder. As in every period, reason and folly march in tandem, and neither has a monopoly over the language. In order to take proper note of their common progress I have deleted some entries, expanded others, and added definitions of terms which have come into promi- nence. I have also added summaries of political thinkers whose work has been especially influential in recent debates. I have drawn on the advice of three people: Sean Sayers and Ian Steedman, both of whom were advisers to the original edition, and Robert Grant. As before, I have tried to be impartial without being bland, and to put concepts and argu- ments in the place of obfuscation and dogma. My advisers are not responsible for any local failure to achieve those goals, having done their very best to advance them. ROGER SCRUTON Malmesbury, September 1995 ThiNganHang.com xi ThiNganHang.com
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Preface to the Third Edition A further ten years have elapsed since this book was last revised, and they have had as great an impact on political thought as the momentous years between the First and Second Editions. The eruption into Western politics of Islamic thought and Islamist movements has awoken us to the realities of religion and to the human need for it; the ever-expanding claims of the European Union have brought with them a new bureaucratic language; communism has died as an ideology, while Marxism and neo-Marxism survive only in isolated pockets of the Western academy and in the testimony to their former power provided by works such as this one. Meanwhile the emergence of neo-conservatism in America, and capitalism without democracy in China, have created new kinds of international politics, and new ways of brokering the relations between states. Moreover, no observer can have failed to notice that political thought is being rapidly driven from public life, to be replaced by something that we might call ‘business thought’. The deep and difficult arguments about constitutions and their legitimacy, about law and its sources, about property and its rights, about power and authority – arguments that have occupied the major thinkers in our political and philosophical tradition and which formed the original subject-matter of this book – seem to have no place in the thinking of today’s politicians. Their concern is not with government, but with management; they are not interested in truth or doctrine but only in ‘spin’; and the concepts with which they try to understand society come to them from business schools and management gurusrather than from the great works of political and sociological thought whichinspired the original edition of this dictionary.ThiNganHang.comIn this edition I have tried to take account of these developments, and also to amplify the aspects of the book that are the least vulnerable to the flow of events and the whims of fashion. I have therefore deleted ephemeral material and added more entries on thinkers and theories that have a permanent place in intellectual history. I have retained much that is of no practical relevance, now that Marxism is unbelievable and socialism more or less dead. My excuse for doing so is that this is a dictionary of thought, not of action, and thoughts may be interesting and influential, even in times when they have lost their immediate use. xii ThiNganHang.com
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Preface to the Third Edition I have drawn on the advice of Robert Grant, Jonathan Rée and Frank Buckley, three people with contrasting views and outlooks, who have helped me to suppress my prejudices and to maintain, as best I could, the attitude of impar- tial curiosity that has been the principal motive of this work. Malmesbury, Wiltshire and Sperryville, Virginia, Spring 2006 ThiNganHang.com xiii ThiNganHang.com
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AbdicationThe voluntary relinquishing treatment intended either to concealthe victim, or to force him to change. of the throne by a reigning This thought has been extremely monarch. Not the simple important in *politicized theories of thing that it appears to be, since the *psychotherapy. The idea of the indi- monarch is *head of state and, in a vidual as essentially *responsible for *constitutional monarchy, possesses his eccentricities underlies some discretionary powers that are vital to doctrines of *authenticity. the functioining of government (see *prerogative). The monarch will abortion normally have been trained to exer- The issue of abortion is intractable, cised these powers in council, and his partly because of the absence of any accession to the throne would have other case to which it can be assimi- been associated in the popular mind lated. The relationship between a with their *legitimacy. Abdication woman and her unborn child is both casts a shadow, therefore, over the non-transferable and original: the legitimacy of government, and may child comes into existence in and lead to a national crisis, as did the through the woman, and the question abdication of Edward VIII in the UK in of its rights and welfare cannot be 1936. considered in complete isolation from the question of the rights and welfare abnormality of its mother. Some deny that an A deviation from a *norm. Abnormality unborn child is a *person, and on that is to be distinguished from eccentricity, ground deny it the *right to life. On which is the presence of noteworthy this view the only question of rights is and uncommon characteristics in a that which concerns the woman: does *normal individual. Eccentricity is she have a ‘right to choose’ whether to usually permitted if harmless, abnor- give birth? If the pregnancy is mality often regarded with suspicion unwanted, what right has another to whetherThiNganHang.comharmless or not. Different compel her to proceed with it? It political arrangements draw the line seems arbitrary, however, to say that between the two in different ways, and the divide between person and non- the problem of defining what is normal person occurs at birth. The alternative in human nature makes dispute positions are many. some see the inevitable. Moreover the human desire foetus as a person, but believe that the to hold others responsible for the char- case is one of conflicting rights. Others acteristics which distinguish them gives argue that the language of rights is a motive to confusion. An abnormality wholly inadequate to capture the is not part of the moral character, but nature of the *obligation towards the part of the amoral circumstances, of the unborn child. person who possesses it. To represent it In the US abortion has become a as a harmful eccentricity is to justify defining issue in politics. The decision 1 ThiNganHang.com
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absolutism of the Supreme Court in the case of discarded the feeling of *piety, and Roe v. Wade (1973) conferred what is compromised its chances for survival. tantamount to a constitutional right Liberals often retort that there is no to abortion. According to the leading place for piety in a secular society, and judgement in that case, delivered by that the issue must be settled by Mr Justice Blackmun, the foetus has considering the rights of existing citi- no rights at all under US law, since it zens. Feminists in particular have is not a citizen, while the mother has campaigned for the right to abortion, a *right to *privacy (not explicitly by way of affirming the feminist prin- mentioned in the Constitution) ciple that it is the woman, and no one which would be violated by the else, who has rights over her body. attempt to forbid abortion. Many See, in general, *consequentialism, liberals defend the decision, and are *rights, *judicial activism. prepared to campaign vigorously to prevent the Supreme Court from qual- absolutism ifying it, while conservatives tend to The theory and practice of absolute believe that the case was wrongly *government, i.e. government which decided, or at any rate decided on is not *limited by any *agency internal grounds that are without authority in to itself. Absolute government should the Constitution. As a result the issue be distinguished from absolute of abortion has become a political *power. Power is always contained, battleground in the United States, limited or diverted by other powers with implications for social policy, within the state; but government can sexual relations and constitutional be absolute even without possessing law of a kind that go to the heart of absolute power. It is so whenever there the conflict between the liberal and are no constitutional *checks and conservative visions of modern soci- balances, so that no exercise of ety. The decision in Roe v. Wade is government can be criticized or now under challenge, with some liber- opposed in the name of government. als prepared to concede that the case The principal limitation of govern- was wrongly decided, and that ‘abor- ment is the law. Defenders of abso- tion rights’ should be granted by the lutism, such as *Bodin and *Hobbes, legislature rather than read into the have often been motivated by the Constitution by the Supreme Court. thought that all government requires This has been the procedure in other *sovereignty – meaning a body of deci- jurisdictions that permit abortion, sions which cannot be questioned. and many Americans, both liberal and Since sovereignty must be exercised conservative, are wary of attempts byThiNganHang.comthrough law, the sovereign himself the Supreme Court to pre-empt the cannot be criticized by the law, which legislature over matters that are so is no more than his own command. profoundly controversial. On this view law is authoritative Whatever the rights and wrongs of simply by virtue of the status of the abortion, there is no doubt that its agent who commands it, and not by acceptance in modern societies indi- virtue of its content or of its moral or cates a radical change of attitude intellectual credentials. towards the unborn, who are no Absolutism must be distinguished longer protected as other human from *totalitarianism. It involves, not beings are protected. Some conserva- the total supervision by a central power tives argue that a society which adopts of all the functions of society, but this attitude to future generations has simply the possession of an unfettered 2 ThiNganHang.com
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academic freedom power of government, which may or students, and determine its own may not be used, and which need not curriculum, whatever the *ideological be applied universally, or in every area content of what is taught. It is a of social existence. Sometimes, as in the disputed question whether this European absolutism of the seven- specific freedom does exist, or can or teenth and eighteenth centuries, this ought to exist. It implies that those power may be used in order to limit the who buy or provide the services of concentration of power in bodies that academics should have no power to are not themselves sovereign, such as prescribe the nature of the service the nobility, the church, or the empire. rendered. Hence the provision of acad- Sometimes it may be used to eliminate emic freedom requires the abolition of *opposition and to establish a complete any contractual relation between the *dictatorship, as with Hitler and Stalin. academy and the public. Absolute rule may vest in an individual, The issue of academic freedom is to in an *office (absolute monarchy), in a be distinguished from that of whether party (*democratic centralism), or in a academic institutions ought to raise system of administration (classical their funds, and recruit their students, Chinese *bureaucracy). without aid or direction from the state. On the other hand, it is naive to abundance suppose that the state will provide the Goods are abundant in a society when- funding for an institution over which ever any member of it can obtain such it exerts no right of control. of those goods as he desires by work- Academic freedom has been ing no more than he wishes. It is defended by *classical liberal thinkers sometimes thought to be a criterion of such as *J.S. Mill, on the ground that *welfare that all goods which people knowledge advances best when freely need should also be abundant, and pursued, and when released from the that the economy should have this need for political or ideological abundance of necessaries as its aim. conformity. Moreover, the best guard (See *need.) The view that human against error is the freedom to ques- needs expand indefinitely leads to tion, and this freedom is at the root of scepticism about this criterion. It is the academic life. That vision of ‘the also sometimes argued that the abun- advance of knowledge’, as *Bacon dance of luxuries (i.e. goods which are called it, seems to be only imperfectly not needed but only desired) may be endorsed in Western universities an evil: see *consumerism. today, where pressures to ideological conformity in the name of *political academic freedomThiNganHang.comcorrectness are constantly in the 1. Freedom to pursue teaching, learn- news. On the other hand, those pres- ing and research without regard for sures are felt most strongly in depart- the public utility of what is taught or ments of the *humanities, and it is studied, and unconstrained by exter- sometimes argued that these depart- nal directives (whether from the state ments are, by their very nature, or from elsewhere) as to the form, devoted less to the ‘advance of knowl- content or conclusions of the subject. edge’ than to the propagation of This freedom includes the freedom to moral and intellectual *values. Hence publish the results of research. it is difficult to know exactly what 2. Specifically, the freedom of an would be meant, by teaching in the educational body to provide its own humanities in which ideological constitution, appoint its own staff and conclusions are avoided. 3 ThiNganHang.com
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acceleration principle acceleration principle (or: accelerator and Public Opinion, 1951). Access is principle) the probability of obtaining the The hypothesis in economics, that attention and influencing the deci- investment in an industry varies sions of the relevant officers of according to the rate of change (rather government. ‘Effective access’ is than according to the level) of its usually given as a function of three output. Under standard conditions a variables: the strategic position of the certain amount of capital will be group within society, the internal required to produce a particular rate of characteristics of the group, and the output. If this rate of output changes nature of the institutions of govern- then, ceteris paribus, the amount of ment. A group may be without access capital invested must also change. It is, (such as the lowest *caste in a caste however, not possible to assume that system), with effective access, or with the relation between them is one of ‘privileged access’ (which arises when direct proportionality. decision makers automatically take a This hypothesis plays an important group’s interests into account). The part in theories of the *trade cycle. It UK aristocracy has had privileged implies that an increase in demand for access, and also ‘direct’ access, to any product brings about an increase power through the House of Lords, in demand for the machines etc. used whereas most other classes have had to make it. Thus a small change in the varying degrees of effective but indi- output of consumer goods tends to rect access. result in a much bigger (i.e. acceler- Sociologists further distinguish ated) change in the output of the ‘loose’ from ‘taut’ patterns of access, goods used to make them. Conversely the first existing when there is a multi- a small fall in the output of consumer plicity of points of access to political goods may result in a much larger fall decisions, the second when there are in the output of capital goods. It is also defined channels of *representation argued that the ‘accelerator’ can be through which groups exert their brought into play by a very slight vari- influence. Access seems to have ation in the rate of change of output of shifted, in the US and postwar Europe, a consumer good. Thus if output of a from *party to *pressure group, particular product increases by five per perhaps as a result of modern *bureau- cent in one year and continues to cracy, and of the decline of trust in increase, but only by four per cent, in representation. the next year, this may precipitate an actual fall in the output of capital accession goods, and in the amount of capitalThiNganHang.comThe act of joining the *European invested. Union through a ‘Treaty of Accession’ with the existing member states. The access Treaty requires the ‘accession state’ to The concept of access has become adopt a *rule of law, to respect the increasingly important in sociological *European Convention on Human studies of political power, since, it is Rights, to be democratic and with a argued, ‘power of any kind cannot be competitive *market economy, and to reached by a political interest group accept the *acquis communautaire of or its leaders without access to one or the EU. Often interim arrangements more key points of decision in and periods of adjustment form part of government’ (David B. Truman: The the Treaty, which must be ratified by Governmental Process: Political Interests all member states. 4 ThiNganHang.com
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acquis communautaire accommodation war, communication and migration 1. In sociology, the state or process of force the states of the world to decide social adjustment to conflict. To be whether to open or to close their fron- distinguished from adaptation (struc- tiers to one another. Their decisions tural changes brought about by biolog- may often be affected by the extent to ical variation and selection), which acculturation of new arrivals is *assimilation (the process whereby two considered possible. groups or cultures fuse), and *accultur- ation. Accommodation allows two accumulation groups to harmonize overtly, while The amassing of *capital, for purposes leaving the real source of conflict of either investment or consumption unresolved. Thus first generation expenditure. If there is to be a ‘means immigrants may be accommodated by of production’ over and above what is adopting the food, clothes etc. of the provided by nature, then there must country in which they find them- be accumulation, in the form of selves, but they may not be accultur- ‘produced means of production’. In a ated, where this implies full *capitalist economy accumulation is in participation in the culture of the private hands; in a *socialist economy, native population. in theory, every accumulation of any 2. In politics, accommodation is significance is *socially owned. In usually distinguished from *confronta- between those two, infinite varieties of tion and from *conciliation. It is the *mixed economy can be envisaged. process whereby hostile powers estab- Moral and political discussions of lish a modus vivendi which enables *private property often involve objec- each to fulfil as many of its purposes as tions to certain levels of accumulation. it can without overt *aggression Some think that all accumulation towards the other. gives the person who has *control over it a further control over the lives of accountability others. (See *exploitation.) Some also Sometimes distinguished from respon- believe that the laws of inheritance sibility. A is accountable to B if B may ought not to permit constant accumu- sanction and forbid his actions. It does lation of property across generations. not follow that B is responsible for A: Nevertheless it is difficult to envisage chains of responsibility run down- systems of private property rights wards by *delegation, chains of without rights of transfer of property, accountability upwards; if the two and if transfer is permitted, then accu- chains coincide, then this is a political mulation is always possible. Modern achievement.ThiNganHang.comuses of *taxation can often be seen as attempts to permit maximum mobility acculturation of private property through exchange, The process whereby an individual or while preventing accumulations group acquires the cultural characteris- beyond a certain level. (See also *prim- tics of another through direct contact. itive accumulation.) Acculturation is a one-way process, whereby one culture absorbs another, acquis communautaire and is to be distinguished from the The legal, political and procedural two-way process of *assimilation, in inheritance of the European Union, which homogeneity results from acquired through the process of union, changes in both. The phenomenon is and by the centralisation of powers of increasing political significance, as and procedures hitherto exercised by 5 ThiNganHang.com
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